Tuesday, October 12, 2010
Material for your Written Assignmenst
http://www.box.net/shared/eed518x1mu
I also recommend you read the comments I placed on each individual upload since all the files have a differnt purpose and use.
Raad them for 2morrow and we will continue working on it.
C U, Julie.
Tuesday, October 5, 2010
Very interesting web info to check out
http://www.thesmokinggun.com/documents/bizarre/justice-department-seeks-ebonics-experts
You should also download this worksheet (in the language folder in the box) called Language Variety. This is the link. It is not long, so please have it done.
http://www.box.net/shared/0ecdphmo0m
C U 2morrow, Julie.
Monday, September 27, 2010
Clear version of map
by the way, you also had to print and work with German Canale's text. Please bring it to class. See you on Wednesday.
Julie.
http://www.box.net/shared/jya3k27odr
Sunday, September 12, 2010
English as a Global Language
http://www.box.net/shared/781s0smazo
C U later gaters!
Julie.
Friday, September 10, 2010
Interviews
http://www.box.net/shared/7kv9yo5k8c
Well, have a nice weekend and see you on Monday.
Julie
Wednesday, September 1, 2010
Character Attribute Web (C.A.W.)
http://www.box.net/shared/i38734bh2x
See you 2morrow.
Sunday, August 29, 2010
Essay proposals
We will be analizing them in class 2morrow, so if you can, check them out.
c u Julie.
http://www.box.net/shared/n3xh7jt6hg
Thursday, August 26, 2010
Bazalgette
At the time, the
The system was opened by Edward, Prince of Wales in 1865, although the whole project was not actually completed for another ten years.
Bazalgette's foresight may be seen in the diameter of the sewers. When planning the network he took the densest population, gave every person the most generous allowance of sewage production and came up with a diameter of pipe needed. He then said 'Well, we're only going to do this once and there's always the unforeseen.' and doubled the diameter to be used. Every Londoner should be grateful for this foresight as the then unforeseen was the tower block. If he had used his original, smaller pipe diameter the sewer would have overflowed in the 1960s. As it is they are still in use to this day.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Bazalgette#Sewer_works
Elizabeth Barrett Browning
Elizabeth Barrett Browning (6 March 1806 – 29 June 1861) was one of the most prominent poets of the Victorian era.
Elizabeth Barrett Moulton Barrett was born on 6 March 1806, in Coxhoe Hall, between the villages of Coxhoe and Kelloe in County Durham, England. Her parents were Edward Barrett Moulton Barrett and Mary Graham Clarke; Elizabeth was the eldest of their 12 children (eight boys and four girls). All the children lived to adulthood except for one girl, who died at the age of four when Elizabeth was eight. The children in her family all had nicknames: Elizabeth's was "Ba". The Barrett family, some of whom were part Creole, had lived for centuries in Jamaica, where they owned sugar plantations and relied on slave labour. Elizabeth's father chose to raise his family in England while his fortune grew in Jamaica. The Graham Clarke family wealth, also derived in part from slave labour, was also considerable.
Elizabeth was baptized in 1809 at Kelloe Parish Church, though she had already been baptized by a family friend in the first week after she was born. Later that year, after the fifth child, Henrietta, was born, their father bought Hope End, a 500-acre (2.0 km2) estate near the Malvern Hills in Ledbury, Herefordshire. Elizabeth had "a large room to herself, with stained glass in the window, and she loved the garden where she tended white roses in a special arbour by the south wall"[2] Her time at Hope End would inspire her in later life to write Aurora Leigh. She was educated at home and attended lessons with her brother's tutor. This gave her a good education for a girl of that time; she read passages from Paradise Lost and Shakespearean plays, among other works, before the age of ten. During the Hope End period, she was an intensely studious, precocious child.[3] Her intellectual fascination with the classics and metaphysics was balanced by a religious intensity which she later described as "not the deep persuasion of the mild Christian but the wild visions of an enthusiast." [4][5] The Barretts attended services at the nearest Dissenting chapel, and Edward was active in Bible and Missionary societies. Elizabeth was very close to her siblings and had great respect for her father: she claimed that life was no fun without him, and her mother agreed, probably because they did not fully understand what the business really was that kept him when his trips got longer and longer.
Wednesday, August 18, 2010
Interesting information on themes, motifs and symbolism
http://www.box.net/shared/2c4jgxl5gc
See you 2morrow. Julie.
Tuesday, August 17, 2010

Why Did People Enter the Workhouse?
People ended-up in the workhouse for a variety of reasons. Usually, it was because they were too poor, old or ill to support themselves. This may have resulted from such things as a lack of work during periods of high unemployment, or someone having no family willing or able to provide care for them when they became elderly or sick. Unmarried pregnant women were often disowned by their families and the workhouse was the only place they could go during and after the birth of their child. Prior to the establishment of public mental asylums in the mid-nineteenth century (and in some cases even after that), the mentally ill and mentally handicapped poor were often consigned to the workhouse. Workhouses, though, were never prisons, and entry into them was generally a voluntary although often painful decision. It also carried with it a change in legal status — until 1918, receipt of poor relief meant a loss of the right to vote.
The operation of workhouses, and life and conditions inside them, varied over the centuries in the light of current legislation and economic and social conditions. The aims of many pre-1834 workhouses are well expressed in this 1776 sign above the door of Rollesby workhouse in Norfolk:
The emphasis in earlier times was more towards the relief of destitution rather than deterrence of idleness which characterized many of the institutions set up under the 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act.
Entering the Workhouse
Whatever the regime inside the workhouse, entering it would have been a distressing experience. New inmates would often have already been through a period of severe hardship. It was for good reason that the entrance to the Birmingham union workhouse was through an arch locally known as the "Archway of Tears".
The Admission Procedure
Admission into the workhouse first required an interview to establish the applicant's circumstances. This was most often undertaken by a Relieving Officer who would visit each part of the union on a regular basis. However, the workhouse Master could also interview anyone in urgent need of relief.

Prior to their formal admission into the main workhouse, new arrivals would be placed in a receiving or probationary ward. There the workhouse medical officer would examine them to check on their state of health. Those suffering from any infectious illness would be placed in a sick ward.
Leaving the Workhouse
While residing in a workhouse, paupers were not allowed out without permission. Short-term absence could be granted for various reasons, such as a parent attending their child's baptism, or to visit a sick or dying relative. Able-bodied inmates could also be allowed out to seek work. Although there was often little to physically prevent a pauper from walking out of the workhouse, to do so without permission would result in a charge of the theft of union property — his workhouse uniform. Any pauper could, however, on giving "reasonable notice" — typically three hours — discharge himself from the workhouse. His clothes would then be fetched from the store and more administrative paperwork would need to be completed. In the case of a man with a family, the whole family would have to leave if he left.
Despite the lengthy admission and discharge procedures, some paupers treated the workhouse as a free lodging, leaving and departing as the fancy took them. It was not unknown for a pauper to discharge himself in the morning and then return demanding re-admission the same evening, possibly the worse for wear from drink. In 1901, one 81-year-old woman named Julia Blumsun recorded 163 separate admissions to the City of London workhouse, while a 40-year-old man in the Poplar workhouse had been in and out 593 times over the period since 1884. These were the most extreme examples of what became known as the "ins-and-outs". Because of the amount of time they took to deal with, became the bane of the workhouse staff's life. Eventually, in the early 1900s, new regulations were introduced to lengthen the amount of notice required depending on how recently an inmate had previously discharged himself.
Perhaps a more typical example of the ins-and-outs is provided by seven-year-old Charlie Chaplin who in 1896 briefly became an inmate of the Lambeth union workhouse, together with his mother, Hannah, and his older half-brother Sydney. After a three-week probationary period, the two children were then transferred to the Central London District School at Hanwell. Two months later, the children were returned to the workhouse where they were met at the gate by Hannah, dressed in her own clothes. In desperation to see them, she had discharged herself from the workhouse, along with the children. After a day spent playing in Kennington park and visiting a coffee-shop, they returned to the workhouse and had to go through the whole admissions procedure once more, with the children again staying there for a probationary period before returning to Hanwell.
Many inmates were, however, to become long-term residents of the workhouse. A Parliamentary report of 1861 found that, nation-wide, over 20 percent of inmates had been in the workhouse for more than five years. These were mostly consisted of elderly, chronically sick, and mentally ill paupers. Fifteen inmates in the survey had been workhouse residents for sixty years or more. Institutionalization of inmates, particularly women, was something that was to continue right until the end of the workhouse era. In the past few years, whilst visiting a number of former workhouses that now operate as care homes for the elderly, I have been told on two separate occasions that one of the establishment's current residents had been there since the 1920s.
Thursday, August 12, 2010
Punch magazine! 2
Punch magazine!
The first edition of Punch was published on July 17, 1841, four years after Queen Victoria came to the throne. Its founders, wood engraver Ebenezer Landells and writer Henry Mayhew, got the idea for the magazine from a satirical French paper, Charivari (indeed, the first issue was subtitled, "The London Charivari").
Landells insisted that Punch should be less bitter than other British comic publications and of a higher literary standard. The name was hit upon at an early meeting – someone remarked that the magazine should be like a good Punch mixture – nothing without Lemon (referring to Mark Lemon, the magazine’s first editor), whereupon Mayhew shouted “ A capital idea! Let us call the paper Punch!”
The magazine was set up with capital of £25… and the future soon looked bleak. The circulation refused to rise, money ran short and it began to look as if Lemon would have the same success with Punch as he did with his previous enterprise, a pub which went bankrupt.
But then he had the bright idea of publishing a big annual issue called the Almanack which sold an astonishing 90,000 copies and Punch was on the map. In the medium term, however, it continued to struggle for survival until it was taken over by the printing firm of Bradbury and Evans (which became Bradbury and Agnew in 1872).
The magazine then entered its golden age, a period in which it enjoyed great success for decades. When a magazine becomes identified with a period it very often fails to survive it. The readers of the Strand Magazine in Edwardian days, or of Life between the wars or of Picture Post just after, would have been unable to imagine those household names ever vanishing, yet vanished they have.So what was the secret of Punch's survival?
More than anything, it was its ability to find the wavelength of an age. Even in Victorian days Punch did not stand still. In its early years, the years of the Chartists and the unrest that swept through Europe in 1848, it was radical. The most famous example of this was Thomas Hood's "Song of the Shirt", which moved people's consciences over sweated labour. But by the 1860s it had become milder, less inclined to attack the Establishment or support the underdog, and this too was in tune with the rising middle class and the feeling that the British Empire had come to stay.
A succession of superb artists on Punch ensured that the manner in which it played safe was brilliant. The drawings of Leech, Keene, du Maurier, Tenniel and many only slightly lesser men may not have prompted any revolutions or moves to man the barricades, but they still represent the most authentic and memorable picture of Victorian England that we have left. And it is forgotten that Punch was one among many humorous magazines in the nineteenth century it was not even, in fact, the only one called Punch.
It was, however, the only one of the breed that continued to flourish for another hundred years, almost as if it was a national institution that could not be allowed to die. This status as a part of British history is a source both of great pride and huge annoyance to Punch, a millstone as well as a medal.
Each time Punch has made a significant advance in tune with the times - when Malcolm Muggeridge introduced a sharper, more acid note, when Bernard Hollowood finally abandoned the old cover, when William Davis engineered such coups as a full-scale parody of Playboy - critics have grumbled that this isn't how a national institution should behave.
What they forget is that Punch only survived and flourished by changing its reality as well as its image. The magazine was bought from Bradbury and Agnew in 1969 by United Newspapers (only the second time it had changed hands).
A promotional booklet produced in 1974 was full of confidence for the future: "It has found new security within a large organisation and an added confidence to combat the gloom of the 1970s with cheerfulness, humour and even optimism." By the late Eighties, however, circulation had dropped to an alarmingly low level and three editors in three years failed to arrest the decline. Punch was eventually closed by United in 1992 and it looked like the end for a title which had become loved around the world.
Salvation came in the form of Harrods proprietor, Mohamed Al Fayed, who relaunched the magazine with a glittering party at Harrods in September 1996. The magazine soon positioned itself as a thorn in the side of the Establishment, with a series of irreverent exposes. These included Murdoch by his butler, the most intimate look yet at the world's leading media mogul, and The Mandelson Files, a mouldbreaking investigation into Peter Mandelson, then the most feared member of the New Labour government.
Sadly, the magazine failed to regain its place in the hearts of the British public and closed again in 2002, leaving a legacy of over 160 years of humour and wit unsurpassed in publishing history.The pictures shown are those of the first and the last number of the magazine.
London Expo 1851
Official title: The Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations
Exhibition site: Hyde Park
Area: 10.5 hectares, of which 7.2 hectares for the Crystal Palace
Exhibition area: 8.7 hectares
Duration: 1 May – 11 October 1851
Exhibitors: 14,000 with over one million exhibits, 6,900 from England
Foreign participants: from 25 countries and 15 British colonies
Visitors: 6,039,205
Entrance fees: variable, between one shilling and
one pound
Classification: 4 sections and 30 classes
Jury: 314 members, half from England, half foreign
Prizes: 5,130 awards in three categories. Awards of the first category go mainly to Britain (46 percent) and France (33 percent)
Cost: 913,000 pounds
Profit: 150,000 pounds
The Bourgeois Family
century returned to Victorian England in a time machine, the traveler
would immediately notice any number of differences between our world and theirs; the smells
London would be remarkable to the modern sensibility: horsedung
and straw in the streets, the
smells of fatty foods frying, and the sweaty smell of workers and servants who had no access to
bathing beyond the kitchen tap to name two. The smell of flaring gas from the street lighting
system before electricity arrived would have been very noticeable. Arguably, the noise pollution
6
of the Victorian age might surpass the streets of modern New York. There would be no jet
aircraft or boom boxes, but the clatter of hundreds of thousands of horse hooves drawing cabs,
carriages, and freight wagons created an assault on the ears. Before the 1870s, one would be
surprised at the darkness of the evening away from the gaslighted
main streets.
On the other hand, one might well notice that everyone wore very wellmade
hats and
welltailored
clothing, even workers. The Rail Service was excellent and completely
dependable. The Royal Post provided four or five swift deliveries per day and the postmen wore
resplendent uniforms—red coats with gold piping. One would notice that the populace was
remarkably homogenous aside from a few Lascar sailors or visitors from India. The sight of an
African American or a Native American on the sidewalk would have been considered exotic.
One would have also noted “the terrifying inadequacy of medical and dental care.”
Terrible teeth, toothache pain, halitosis were manifest in public every day. Along with this
evidence one would see children’s coffins being trundled in glasssided
hearses along the
cobblestone streets testifying to the prevalence of infant mortality. One would see ragamuffin
children, children working as chimney sweeps, and active in every sort of labor imaginable. One
would also have noticed the everpresent
evidence of class distinctions and deference to the
social hierarchy. Cockney’s would instinctively “knuckle their foreheads” in the presence of a
Lady or a Gentleman. A dozen things at once would show us that the Victorian Age was utterly
alien to our own. “But the greatest, and the most extraordinary difference [would be] the
difference between women, then and now.” (A. N. Wilson, pp. 30708)
No age ever praised the virtues of family life more thoroughly than our Victorian
ancestors. The Victorian family was patriarchal, bound by unspoken rules and the wife was seen
as the domestic angel who provided a safe haven for her husband and a strong, moral example
for the children. Although the middle class wife was in no way the equal of her husband in the
sense that she shared access to education or political and civil rights, she did exert power over
other people. The Victorian wife was the household manager, responsible for the moral
instruction of the servants as well as the children. Families were large, and the average wife
spent “about 15 years in a state of pregnancy and nursing children in the first year of life.”
After infancy, children were expected to be seen but not heard. The alternative would have been
bedlam. Victoria and Albert's marriage was a true lovematch.
Victoria gave birth three times in
the first three years of marriage, six times in her first eight years of marriage. In all, the Royal
couple had nine children. Although all of her children lived to adulthood, she did not enjoy
childbearing: “What you say of the pride of giving life to a soul is very fine my dear,” she wrote
to her oldest daughter, "but I think much more of our being like a cow or a dog at such moments
when our poor nature becomes so very animal and unecstatic.”
Feminist scholars have deconstructed the language of patriarchy in Victorian literature and
culture. They have also pointed out that even the fashions in respectable feminine clothing
reflected the strict boundaries imposed on women. We should remember however, that all those
hoop skirts, corsets, and petticoats were also outward signs of wealth and social status —of
“respectability.” Armored as she was, the middle class wife could scarcely have done physical
labor even if she wanted to do so.
It is perfectly legitimate to read the message of female subservience writ on the page of
female fashions, but I would also suggest that something else is work here: that profound
Victorian fear of the natural personality. It is not really necessary to deconstruct the message of
patriarchy in Victorian literature; it was everywhere. Young women were taught to aspire to
ideal of femininity popularized by writers like the poet Alfred Lord Tennyson:
7
Man for the field and woman for the hearth:
Man for the sword and for the needle she:
Man with the head and woman with the heart:
Man to command and woman to obey;
All else confusion. (Spielvogel)
Victorian psychology taught that men were more animalistic than women, more tied to their
primitive natures. Perhaps the most Victorian of all novels might be Robert Louis Stevenson's
classic Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde: the novel of a man who gives in to the beast within us all.
Victorians like Dr. Thomas Bowdler believed that it was impossible to overstate the importance
of morality; indeed good behavior and good morality was the only defense available to society in
a time of economic and political upheaval. One must be ever vigilant lest the beast within burst
the bonds of law and custom. Edmund Burke expressed the idea well: “Manners are of more
importance than law. The law touches us but here and there and now and then. Manners are
what vex or soothe, corrupt or purify, exalt or debase, barbarize or refine us, by a constant,
steady, uniform, and insensible operation, like that of the air we breathe in.” (Gertrude
Himmelfarb, p. 282). Because of this, men's sexual escapades were tolerated as inevitable; those
of women were never tolerated. All of this amounted to a double standard. Women were
expected to live a life of utter purity, yet young ladies at finishing school were taught to flirt and
manipulate the men in their lives.
The Victorians elevated genderdefined
roles to the status of universal truths, at least for
middle class women. Many respectable women aspired to the ideal of domesticity expressed by
one book of advice to young wives:
Where want of congeniality impairs domestic comfort, the fault is generally
chargeable on the female side. it is for woman, not for man, to make the sacrifice.
She must be plastic herself, to mold others. There is, indeed, something unfeminine
in independence. It is contrary to nature, and therefore it offends. A really sensible
woman feels her dependence. She does what she can; but she is conscious of
inferiority, and therefore grateful for support. She knows that she is the weaker
vessel, and that as such she should receive honor. (Spielvogel)
Many middle class wives were caught in a nowin
situation. For the sake of her
husband's career, she was expected to maintain her public image as the idle wife, freed
from demeaning physical labor and able to pass her time in ornamental pursuits. In many
ways, the great symbol of all this was Queen Victoria herself
http://www.suu.edu/faculty/ping/pdf/VictorianBritain.pdf
gustave doré scketches

Doré was born in Strasbourg and his first illustrated story was published at the age of fifteen. At age five he was a prodigy artist already creating drawings. When he turned 12 he began to carve his art in stone. Doré began work as a literary illustrator in Paris. Doré commissions include works by Rabelais, Balzac, Milton and Dante. In 1853 Doré was asked to illustrate the works of Lord Byron. This commission was followed by additional work for British publishers, including a new illustrated English Bible. In 1863, Doré illustrated a French edition of Cervantes's Don Quixote, and his illustrations of the knight and his squire Sancho Panza have become so famous that they have influenced subsequent readers, artists, and stage and film directors' ideas of the physical "look" of the two characters. Doré also illustrated an oversized edition of Edgar Allan Poe's "The Raven", an endeavor that earned him 30,000 francs from publisher Harper & Brothers in 1883.[1]
Doré's English Bible (1866) was a great success, and in 1867 Doré had a major exhibition of his work in London. This exhibition led to the foundation of the Doré Gallery in New Bond Street. In 1869, Blanchard Jerrold, the son of Douglas William Jerrold, suggested that they work together to produce a comprehensive portrait of London. Jerrold had gotten the idea from The Microcosm of London produced by Rudolph Ackermann, William Pyne, and Thomas Rowlandson in 1808. Doré signed a five-year project with the publishers Grant & Co that involved his staying in London for three months a year. He was paid the vast sum of £10,000 a year for his work. He was mainly known for his paintings, contrary to popular belief about his wood carvings. His paintings are world renowned, but his woodcuts are where he really excelled.
Thursday, August 5, 2010
This is the link that will take you to the sound files we recorded today on Dr. J and Mr. H.
http://www.box.net/shared/zyfnlut5om
Remember that you need to write what you organized to say on a word document so we can put it all together and share it. It will be great if you could modify it based on the group assessment held after each oral while it's still fresh in your minds.
Come the individual orals, you will be grateful to have it in black and white.
C u on Monday, Julie.
Sunday, July 18, 2010
Fin de siecle
Fin de siècle
Definition:
Fin de siècle is a French phrase that translates to "end of the century." In Arts writing, it is used to describe some works created at the end of the 19th-century (and no other).
In order to qualify as a piece worthy of the "fin de siècle" label, the work must contain (or, at least, have someone write that it contains) an aura of boredom, or even a faint dread that stops short of "impending doom." This must also be mixed with an evident knowledge - on the creator's part - of those social graces (particularly in the areas of dress, speech, affected mannerisms and interior decoration) that "everyone" followed in chic urban areas.
Wrap this all together in a painting or literary piece from the 1890s, and what have you got? Evidence that the Y2K phenomenon, in which The Worst was upon us, was nothing new.
Pronunciation: fahnd see·eck·la
Alternate Spellings: fin-de-siècle
http://arthistory.about.com/od/glossary/g/findesiecle.htm
Doom: the end of the world. The judgment day
Fin de siclè
of, relating to, characteristic of, or resembling the late 19th-century literary and artistic climate of sophistication, escapism, extreme aestheticism, world-weariness, and fashionable despair. When used in reference to literature, the term essentially describes the movement inaugurated by the Decadent poets of France and the movement called Aestheticism in England during this period.
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/207099/fin-de-siecle-style
Aestheticism
late 19th-century European arts movement which centred on the doctrine that art exists for the sake of its beauty alone, and that it need serve no political, didactic, or other purpose.
The movement began in reaction to prevailing utilitarian social philosophies and to what was perceived as the ugliness and philistinism of the industrial age. Its philosophical foundations were laid in the 18th century by Immanuel Kant, who postulated the autonomy of aesthetic standards, setting them apart from considerations of morality, utility, or pleasure.
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/7474/Aestheticism
Decadent
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/154854/Decadent
Christine Wijma, Carolina Susviela
Tuesday, July 13, 2010
Mediatic Determinsim Highlights
This is the link that will take you to the outline of your work.
http://www.box.net/shared/n274of3fl8
Monday, July 12, 2010
Criminal minds promo
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mf4U8ti8mX0&feature=related
Transcription:
"[Morgan] William Shakespare wrote: This violent delights have violent ends;
[Prentiss] Leonardo Da Vinci said: He who does not punish evil commands it to be done;
[Reid] Stephen King wrote: Monsters are real and ghosts are real too, they live inside us and sometimes... they win;
[J.J] (Tacitus) Man are more ready to repay an injury than a benefit beacuse gratitude is a burden and revenge... a pleasure"
Tuesday, June 22, 2010
victorian political situation
Distinctions came to be drawn between constitutional, political, economic and social reform bills. The last of these categories dealt with what were conceived of as 'social problems' or 'social abuses', many of which were associated with the growth of population and the development of capitalist industry, including health and factory acts. Initial reform bills were concerned with the hours and condition of factory children and women. One bitterly contested economic reform, the repeal of the corn laws in 1846, involved and affected the balance of social forces in the country - rural versus urban, agricultural versus industrial - but within a few years of repeal, the opposition to it had dwindled away.
Structures and processes changed. Early in Victoria's reign organised political parties were beginning to take shape, and there was no totally independent civil service. Yet, by the end of the reign, 'democracy' was no longer a bogey word, political parties had a constituency as well as a Parliamentary base, and competition to enter the civil service (by examination) was taken for granted. The pattern of communications, physical and social, had also changed with the rise of a railway system. A new geography had effectively been created, and there was a different kind of popular Press. Long before the launching of the Daily Mail in 1896, press circulation had begun to increase after the abolition of stamp duties on newspapers in 1855, the result of sustained agitation. The National Education Act had also been passed, belatedly, in 1870, creating elementary schools financed from local rates. Attendance was made compulsory ten years later.
TopExtra-parliamentary forces
The drive behind reforming legislation usually came from outside Parliament, as with the working-class Chartist movement intent on reform of the whole electoral process. It is essential, therefore, in the case of each projected 'reform bill' to assess the influence on it of extra-Parliamentary pressures, both of opinion and interests and, in the case of each successful 'reform bill', it is necessary to weigh the role of Parliament and the role of extra-Parliamentary forces in determining the outcome. Doing so has involved controversy between historians as it usually involved political controversy at the time. Moreover, since reformers outside Parliament were often dissatisfied with the extent of the reform, they returned sooner or later to what seemed to them a continuing struggle. Meanwhile, those public servants concerned with implementation often suggested further reforms in the light of experience. The stories of particular reforms, therefore, were usually serial stories.
Whether the comprehensive title the 'Age of Reform' should refer to the whole period in British history between 1837 and 1901 - a period of sharp contrasts in place and time - raises other basic questions, pivoting on the relationships between 'improvement', 'reform' and 'revolution'. As the fear of revolution in Britain receded after 1815, many 'reformers' claimed that only if particular reforms were carried in time could revolution be avoided. And almost all reformers agreed that 'revolution' was the best means of 'reform'. The opponents of the Great Reform Bill claimed that it was 'revolutionary', but within two years of its passing in 1832 most of them accepted it as a fait accompli and adjusted their politics accordingly. It proved to be the first of four successful 19th-century reform bills, the second in 1867, the third introducing the ballot in 1872 and the fourth in 1885. There was more popular agitation, driven by economic as well as by political discontent, in the years 1830-1832 and in the years 1866-1867 than there was in 1885, when the Reform Bill was introduced, as the 1867 had been, by a Conservative government. Yet the 1885 Act had long-term radical consequences - mainly, the political opening up villages through a rural electorate.
It is difficult in retrospect to tell the serial stories of particular reforms in terms of party manifestos, although politicians (and some historians) have been tempted to do so. Group politics are relevant in early and mid-Victorian Britain because members of the medical profession were in a position, as many clergymen were, to cross environmental and social divides and collect evidence, including statistical evidence, when they sought to identify 'problems' requiring action. It is individuals, however, who must usually be given the limelight. Coming from different social and political backgrounds, their personal commitment was crucial to the success of reform legislation.
TopThe Earl of Shaftesbury
The individual most involved in a sequence of different social reforms was the evangelical Tory philanthropist Anthony Ashley Cooper, seventh Earl of Shaftesbury (1801-1885), who fought indomitably for the protection of children in factories and mines, and later chimney sweeps, for public health legislation and for the proper treatment of what were then called 'lunatics'.
Nonetheless, it is doubtful whether Ashley, as a private member of Parliament before he became an earl, would have been as successful as he was had he not been accepted as a Parliamentary leader by a popular movement in the North of England actively engaged until an Act acceptable to them was passed in 1847. Not all the movements had a working-class base, as Chartism did. The Health of Towns Association, for example, founded in 1839, had substantial middle-class support. The main obstacle to its success was apathy, but it also provoked opponents of 'centralisation'.
TopOther individual reformers
Other voluntary associations pressing for reforms were mobilised by women, like the Ladies' Sanitary Reform Association of Manchester and Salford, founded in 1862. Women were without the vote, but there were two women, in particular, who were as outstanding in influencing Parliament as Shaftesbury - Josephine Butler (1828-1906) and Octavia Hill (1838-1912). The former fought a long (and still controversial) battle to repeal the Contagious Diseases Acts of 1864, 1866 and 1869, which regulated women working in brothels. The Acts were totally repealed after a long agitation, which had international ramifications, in 1886. Octavia Hill, housing reformer, supported by John Ruskin, was more interested in voluntary than in state action. She wanted affordable working-class houses to become real 'homes'.
Josephine Butler was a reformer who was concerned not with new legislation but with repeal. And so had been Ashley's Parliamentary political leader, Sir Robert Peel (1788-1850), who earlier in the century reformed the Metropolitan Police and carried Roman Catholic emancipation (giving Roman Catholics civil rights) before Ashley, who had little in common with him, entered Parliament. Peel, along with Wellington, had opposed the Parliamentary Reform Bills introduced by the Whigs in 1831 and 1832, but he appreciated the need to adapt to change; and while he opposed most of the social reforms that Ashley supported, it was he who as Prime Minister carried the repeal of the corn laws. The part that he played in securing repeal - and his motivations - have been assessed and re-assessed. So, too, has the role of the Anti-Corn Law League, founded in Manchester in 1838, a largely middle-class organisation, extremely well organised under the leadership of Richard Cobden (1804-1865) who won a seat in Parliament in 1841. This enabled him to confront Peel directly across the floor of the Commons. They both believed in 1846 that repeal would benefit both working-class consumers (through cheap food) and industrial employers (through the opening of foreign markets), but Peel, unlike Cobden, refused to try to exploit repeal politically. Indeed, in carrying repeal he broke up his own divided party.
TopConclusion
Not everyone who believed in free trade, which became a gospel, precluded acceptance of measures which social reformers were urging. Nor did the people influenced by Jeremy Bentham (1748-1882) consider that the State had no part to play in what came to be called social policy. The role of Benthamism in the evolution of 19th-century policy has been as controversial as the role of Peel and far more controversial than the role of Fabianism (the socialism of Sidney and Beatrice Webb) in the formation of 20th-century policy, culminating in the 'welfare state'. It was the important early 19th-century British political economists, Nassau Senior (1790-1864), one of the framers of the New Poor Law of 1834, who wrote that 'it is the duty of a government to do whatever is conducive to the welfare of the government'.
The British emphasis on reform rather than revolution, the desire to adapt institutions rather than to destroy them, seemed a national asset in the nineteenth century, but in the last decades of the twentieth century many writers in the media, including some historians, claimed that by not having a revolution in the nineteenth century Britain had suffered. In particular, old values of deference survived. Old institutions, like Parliament, the key to much else, should have been totally transformed. Tradition was a brake on progress.
taken from: http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/victorians/reforming_acts_01.shtml
Anton & Lucía
Monday, June 21, 2010
Robert Louis Balfour Stevenson Biography

He did not suddenly become a model university student. His family expected that he would study engineering and join his father and uncle in the lighthouse business, and apparently Stevenson accepted this plan without protest. But he was not interested in construction or optics, and he studied as little as possible, skipped lectures, and was in general a lackluster student. He did, however, make the first real friends of his life, and he also joined a popular literary and debating society by invitation, which probably had more to do with his quirky but genuine personal attractiveness and his family name than with anyone's perception of his academic brilliance.
He eventually confessed to his father that he did not hope to become an engineer, at which his father swallowed his disappointment and suggested that he study law; Stevenson obediently did so, but was no more interested in this than in engineering, and although he was admitted to the bar at the age of 24, he never practiced. Still, his late teens and early twenties were a period of great and solid growth. He continued to read voluminously, if seldom in accordance with what he had been assigned. He roamed the streets of
R obert Louis Stevenson, one of the masters of the Victorian adventure story, was born in
Stevenson returned to
In its narrative of a respectable doctor who transforms himself into a savage murderer, Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde tapped directly into the anxieties of Stevenson’s age. The Victorian era, named for Queen Victoria, who ruled
With the notion of a single body containing both the erudite Dr. Jekyll and the depraved Mr. Hyde, Stevenson’s novel imagines an inextricable link between civilization and savagery, good and evil. Jekyll’s attraction to the freedom from restraint that Hyde enjoys mirrors Victorian England’s secret attraction to allegedly savage non-Western cultures, even as
By the late 1880s, Stevenson had become one of the leading lights of English literature. But even after garnering fame, he led a somewhat troubled life. He traveled often, seeking to find a climate more amenable to the tuberculosis that haunted his later days. Eventually he settled in
http://www.sparknotes.com/lit/jekyll/context.html
VICTORIAN SCIENCE
Medical Treatments
During most of the Victorian era, people--including doctors--knew very little about the causes of disease. Health was a challenge because for most of the 19th century, people understand about germs. People had no idea why they became ill, and often, medicine was no more than guesswork. If a serious illness did not cause death, often some of the "remedies" might!
Frequently, people drank from the same unwashed cup which others had used. They did not take baths very often, and when settlers traveled, they typically slept on dirty sheets where many others had slept, or else they shared a bed. Settlers were ignorant as to what part cleanliness played in good health, and they knew nothing of the fact that germs thrive in dirty places.
In the first part of the 19th century, people generally believed that bathing too often removed protective oils from a person's skin, leaving them open to disease. If a person was ill, sunlight and fresh air were not allowed into their room. It was felt that cold, fresh air made people sicker. Sick people were told to stay in bed, not realizing how important it was for recovery to actually get a little exercise.
People believed that diseases traveled through the air, in the water, and underground. They associated sicknesses with "miasma" (a noxious or unpleasant vapour), and doctors carried scented sticks which supposedly kept the miasma from reaching the nose and entering the body.
"Playing Doctor"
Victorians typically had a strong faith in God, which allowed them to courageously face both illness and death. During the 19th century, death was simply "a part of life", something that the Victorians and Settlers just had to face. On the other hand, there were healthful benefits to living during the 19th century! The air was fresher; there was no smog to contend with. The sun shone more brightly, and food contained no chemical preservatives. People also had to walk long distances and do hard physical labour, both of which helped to maintain their bodies.
Unfortunately, however, early doctors were basically very limited in the ways they could treat patients. Because they did not know the cause of disease, they treated the symptoms only. For example, if a person had a rapid heartbeat, the doctor might give him/her a medication or herb to slow the heart rate, but would not cure the cause. Early doctors could not operate, and most medicine of the early 1800s was of little, or no help.
The most common methods of treatment used by 19th-century doctors were: 1) Bleeding (phlebotomy) 2) Blistering 3) Plastering 4) Amputation 5) Purging, Vomiting, and Sweating.
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1) PHLEBOTOMY:
No matter if the illness was minor or serious, "phlebotomy" was the remedy most commonly used. Better known as "bloodletting" or "bleeding", it was believed that the use of phlebotomy released the "bad blood" which contained disease from a person's body.
There were a few different methods of bleeding a person. One way was to cut a patient with a "lancet"--a small knife. Later, an instrument called a "scarificator" was invented. This was a small box containing small, sharp blades, and it was used to scratch a person's skin, causing them to bleed. Then, a special cup was heated and placed over the scratches, creating a vacuum, allowing the blood to freely flow from the vein. This procedure was called "cupping".
Another common method of bloodletting was to apply "leeches" or bloodsuckers to a vein. In order to perform this procedure, first a leech was placed in a thin tube while the patient's skin was washed and shaved. To encourage the leech to bite, a drop of blood or milk was placed on the area of a vein. Then the tube with the leech in it was inverted over the spot, and the leech sucked blood from the vein. When it was felt that the leech had taken enough blood, salt was sprinkled on the leech, causing the leech to stop sucking and to let go of the skin.
Many people in a community performed bloodletting, and the same leeches were used many times. Leeches were kept in a jar by and used not only the doctor, but also the blacksmith, the apothecary, and even the barber! As a matter of fact, the colors of red and white seen on the striped pole outside barber shops originally stood for red blood and white bandages--the symbols of bloodletting!
Bleeding was used as a solution to many health ailments during the 1800s, but there were often serious consequences. For one thing, bleeding a person actually lessened the chances for a healthy recovery as it greatly weakened the patient. Doctors often bled patients until they fainted!
Doctors did not yet know about germs and the importance of sterilizing their instruments. Instruments were simply wiped clean of visible dirt and blood, but were not sterilized. Therefore, when these instruments were used, infection often occurred, and the treatment for the infection would typically be more bleeding, which meant that these dirty instruments would be used yet again...and so forth. Sometimes, doctors even used the same instruments on humans as they did animals!
2) BLISTERING:
Another popular early medical practice was called "blistering". Blistering was used as a treatment for anything from a fever or arthritis to serious illnesses such as cholera. Blistering did not actually cure any disease or ailment, but many Victorians believed in its effectiveness. This is because the pain of being blistered caused the patient to focus on a new pain, taking their minds away from the more serious pain from which they suffered.
In the early 1800s, it was believed that the body could only contain one illness at a time. When a second illness entered the body, the first was forced out. Therefore, if the skin of an ill person was made to blister, it was felt that the burn would force the illness from the body. Thus, acid or hot plasters would be poured on the skin to burn it and form a blister, which was then drained. Sometimes, hot pokers were used to burn the skin instead.
3) PLASTERING:
"Plasters" and "poultices" were made slightly differently, but both were popular "remedies" for a variety of ailments. Plasters were paste-like mixtures, made from a variety of ingredients, including even substances such as cow manure. They were applied to the chest or back of a person suffering from a chest cold, or an internal pain--even pneumonia. Poultices were made from bread and milk, and sometimes other ingredients were added such as potatoes, onions, herbs, and linseed oil. Poultices were applied to cuts, wounds, bites, and boils.
4) AMPUTATION:
For most of the first half of the 19th century, there was no real effective type of anaesthesia. Anaesthetics were not introduced until the 1840s (read more about anaesthetics on later pages in this series). Therefore, when a doctor performed an amputation (surgical removal of an arm, leg, or appendage), the patient was usually given wine to drink beforehand in an attempt to help deaden the pain.
Several years later, during the Civil War, amputation was the most prevalent surgery performed. Nearly three out of every four operations were amputations. Often for the army doctor, his operating table would be nothing more than a couple of boards placed between two barrels. He usually soaked a rag with chloroform and applied it to the patient's mouth and nose (a bit more useful in deadening pain than a glass of wine). He would, however, need to periodically remove the rag to avoid chloroform poisoning from occurring. The surgeon first used a tourniquet to tie off the blood flow. Then he used a scalpel to cut through the skin, flesh, and outer tissue, after which he used a saw (called a capital saw) to cut through the bone.
In the early years of the 19th century, the doctor finished the surgery by cauterizing the veins and arteries, then sealed the limb with hot tar so that it would not bleed. By the time of the Civil War, however, doctors usually sutured the limb with either silk (in the North) or cotton (in the South).
Once again, though, there was no knowledge of bacteria or viruses, nor antiseptics and sterilization, and frequently infection set in.
5) PURGING, PUKING, AND SWEATING:
"Purging" consisted of dosing a patient with powerful laxatives in order to expel poisons by relaxing the interior of the body. Despite its ineffectiveness, this was a common treatment for numerous ailments, widely practiced throughout the first half of the century--and beyond--by many doctors. The most commonly-used purgative was Calomel, a form of mercuric chloride.
"Puking" consisted of dosing a patient with emetics in order to produce vomiting. Advocated by Benjamin Rush (see entry below), and used by thousands of doctors during the era, the practice of puking was believed to relieve tension on arteries and to expel poisons from the body. The treatment was used to cure numerous diseases, but like most of Rush's treatments, puking did nothing to cure any illness at all.
"Sweating" was a common practice, originally advocated by Benjamin Rush, by which patients were made to "sweat out" the poisons that caused their disease. Therefore, people who suffered with a high fever were kept warmly dressed and under many layers of blankets. In many early settler communities, people sometimes visited nearby Indian villages for help with their maladies. There, a patient might be made to sweat in a "sweat-house"--that is, a tent or teepee which had been tightly closed, where hot stones had been placed in the center and drenched with water. A heavy steam would form inside the tent. When the patient was covered in sweat, he would be plunged into cold water and given a vigorous rubdown. A long nap followed, while the doctor prayed for the patient's recovery.
BENJAMIN RUSH: (Who advocated these medical practices?)
For the most part, the most influential practitioner of the time was a man named Benjamin Rush. Beginning in 1791, Rush was Professor of the Institute of Medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, and then, from 1783 - 1813, Physician to the Pennsylvania Hospital. Rush was known by his devoted followers as the "Hippocrates of American Medicine". As a believer in the Enlightenment era's philosophy of natural law, Rush lectured to and persuaded thousands of physicians and medical students to subscribe to his ideas and beliefs about medicine and the human body. Among the ideas that Rush promoted was the notion that Black people were black due to a form of leprosy, tobacco caused not only tuberculosis (consumption), but also insanity, and that yellow fever outbreaks were produced by "noxious miasmas". Rush advocated that the human body was a machine, and that all disease was one disease--that is, an over stimulation of the nerves and blood. His ideas about the treatment of disease were controversial to say the least, and many of his peers did in fact question Rush's methods. At the center of the controversy were his "heroic medicine" (bloodletting, blistering, puking, purging, and sweating) treatments which he believed would relieve nervous constriction of blood vessels caused by an accumulation of poisons from illness. While some of Rush's adversaries clearly opposed such therapies, claiming that they were ineffectual at best, and extremely harmful to the patient at worst, Rush's concepts held fast throughout the first half of the century. His work influenced numerous physicians, many of whom continued practicing bleeding and purging therapies through the 1870s, with some rural doctors continuing even beyond that.